A Bipartisan Perspective: Integration of Equity into Emergency Management

By Yali Pang, Nakeina E. Douglas-Glenn, Curtis Brown, Jennifer J. Reid, and J. Herman Tomasi

Abstract

The nation has experienced a significant onslaught of devastating disasters at an unprecedented frequency, from the deadly 2023 wildfires in Maui to flooding events in the Midwest to the hurricanes in Florida. These staggering disasters and the politicization in emergency management make it challenging for underserved communities to receive aid from government agencies and other disaster support organizations. Disasters have no partisan preference and significantly impact states despite the party affiliation of a state’s congressional delegation. Indeed, historically marginalized, and underserved populations are represented spatially across the country and are key constituency groups of both political parties. This paper highlights the shared responsibilities and benefits of integrating equity into emergency management and argues that politics should be removed from emergency management. Implications are discussed for both political parties to end politicization and integrate equity in emergency management to enhance support for vulnerable communities under increasing disaster impacts.

Introduction

The nation has experienced a significant onslaught of devastating disasters at an unprecedented frequency, from the deadly 2023 wildfires in Maui to flooding events in the Midwest to the hurricanes in Florida.^[1] The adverse consequences of disasters are becoming increasingly apparent as the U.S. grapples with an uptick in the frequency and severity of disaster events.^[2] Fueled by changing climate patterns, natural calamities are putting immense pressure on the country’s aging and often inadequate critical infrastructure.^[3] In many regions, decades-old systems and structures are now subjected to unforeseen stressors.^[4] For example, powerful storms and heavy rainfall expose the vulnerabilities of outdated sewage and drainage systems. Associated flooding causes catastrophic failures that disrupt lives and hobble communities.^[5] Unfortunately, physical degradation is only part of the story. Communities without sufficient resiliency measures may lack the administrative capacity to effectively respond to system disturbances that arise from natural disasters and climate change.^[6]

The frequent and devastating disasters over the last few years have drained resources, including the Disaster Relief Fund (DRF), for communities across the country to recover after disasters.^[7] The DRF is the primary funding source for the federal government’s general disaster relief programs supporting disaster survivors and local governments.^[8] The depletion of this fund will significantly impact marginalized and underserved communities as they mostly rely on Federal programs during the long and arduous recovery process.^[9] Additionally, partisan polarization has impeded federal agencies’ efforts to promote equity within their various disaster assistance programs. Political pressure to stymie FEMA’s equity priorities became especially salient during budget negotiations in Session 1 of the 118th Congress.^[10] It is expected that House Republicans will continue to oppose funding for all federal DEI initiatives in Session 2.^[11] These efforts risk perpetuating the legacy of bias in emergency management, which has resulted in decades of compounding disparities that have contributed to widening wealth inequality, higher rates of poverty, and other disproportionate, negative impacts in historically marginalized and underserved communities.^[12] 

Indeed, Congressional opposition to equity initiatives creates additional challenges in all Congressional districts. Whether in the large swaths of rural communities in the Appalachian Mountains represented primarily by Republicans or the coastal urban and suburban communities represented by Democrats, voting constituents in these areas expect the government to work when resources are most needed. The evidence is clear: individuals and communities with limited resources who require Federal government support suffer the most in the politicization of emergency management.^[13] Members of both parties represent historically marginalized and underserved communities. There is an urgent need to end politicization and integrate equity into emergency management policies, practices, and programs to better support communities that are vulnerable to disasters. 

Emergency Management Challenges

Emergency management is experiencing two major challenges: social and political. The social challenges are rooted in the country’s persistent systemic inequities, reflected in the inequities across procedures, distributions, and outcomes of disaster support programs in emergency management. The political challenges are demonstrated in the politicization of emergency management and the opposition (by some) to integrating equity into this area. 

Social Challenge: Persistent Equity Issues

Systemic inequities, especially racism, persist across generations in various policy areas such as state welfare, public health, housing, taxation, employment, and emergency response.^[14] Events such as the murder of George Floyd, the disproportionate deaths of Black, Latino, and Native American communities during the COVID-19 pandemic, the racist attacks on Asians, and other events that have led to protests against racism in the past few years have warned of the growing racial inequality across the U.S. and called for a reform in various public management areas to prioritizing and centering the perspectives and needs of communities of color and other vulnerable populations.^[15] 

Procedural Complexity

The complex application process to receive assistance is a primary concern for many of FEMA’s programs. Arduous multi-stepped processes to receive aid “allow racial inequities to enter at multiple points that can accumulate in unintended ways.”^[16] These complex processes overwhelm survivors by generating significant burdens via application processes, eligibility criteria, verification requirements, reapplication processes, and inspection for victims in marginalized communities.^[17]

FEMA’s Individual and Households Program (IHP), the most common form of assistance provided by FEMA, provides an example of the procedural complexity and inequities in the process. Eligibility requirements for the IHP are strict and prohibitory, excluding renters and those experiencing homelessness. For households that meet the eligibility requirements, verifications of “each of the eligibility criteria…insurance settlement amounts … occupancy at the time of the disaster, and … proof of ownership” are required.^[18] Due to the destructive nature of disasters, some survivors have very limited or even no access to the internet, electronically stored files, physical documents, and communication devices. Verification requirements prove especially troublesome and inequitable when considering the high rate of heirs’ properties–passed on to family members for generations without formal government-recognized records of ownership– in communities of color.^[19] Without the required documents to prove their homeownership, heirs often find themselves unable to obtain the assistance needed to recover following an emergency. FEMA has attempted to remediate these inequities that arise from inflexible verification requirements through a rule change in 2021. This rule change allows for additional forms of documentation to be used for the verification of homeownership or occupancy.^[20] However, even with the rule change in place, there remain concerns that the application of the rules will not be equitably applied.^[21]  

Even if survivors are aware of the programs, meet the eligibility requirements, and provide the required verification, challenges in meeting their needs are often not fully met. Recent changes to the IHP now allow survivors to receive assistance without loan requirements, reducing the burden on the survivors to incur additional debt.^[22] While an at-home inspection requirement remains for certain types of assistance, updated guidelines aim to improve equity by addressing disparities in access and migrating discrimination in predominately Black and Hispanic neighborhoods.^[23] These reforms represent progress but highlight the need for ongoing efforts to simplify complex procedures that create difficulties for low-income, underserved applicants to obtain assistance during and after disasters. 

Distributional Discrimination  

Emergency assistance programs aim to help survivors and communities in need to repair, rebuild, and recover when disaster strikes. With the responsibility to ensure that “the distribution of supplies, the processing of applications, and other relief and assistance activities shall be accomplished equitably and impartially, without discrimination,”^[24] such programs must focus on delivering equitable outcomes. However, FEMA’s programs have historically failed to administer aid fairly, exacerbating existing concerns within underserved communities. FEMA’s National Advisory Council (NAC) criticized the inequities in emergency management, noting that the agency’s programs tend to prioritize and are more accessible to resource-rich communities, while neglecting those that are under-resourced and underserved. The result is that “through the entire disaster cycle, communities that have been underserved stay underserved and thereby suffer needlessly and unjustly.”^[25] Access discrimination is one of the major challenges for marginalized and underserved communities.

Outcome Inequities

Given the burdens of the aid process and discriminatory distribution, homeowners in vulnerable communities with unmet needs often accept greater risk following disasters such as “applying tarps to cover destroyed roofs, remaining in mold-infested homes, and living without access to functioning utilities.”^[26] Homeowners and families given insufficient aid may also experience displacement from their homes and communities. Without other options to meet their needs, those in disaster-prone areas who are unable to repair or rebuild their homes may turn to FEMA’s Buyout Program, which purchases and demolishes homes to prevent future disaster expenses. Yet, inequities exist in this program as well. Implementation of the Buyout Program frequently involves disproportionately purchasing and demolishing Black-owned homes, which in turn displaces Black households disproportionately.^[27]

Displacement impacts not only the relocated survivors but the communities as a whole. Once people move away, the local workforce diminishes, which impacts local businesses and the community’s economic stability. As business owners begin to struggle financially, they often struggle to afford improvements that build resilience or repairs to their homes following a disaster. By demolishing households and displacing survivors rather than investing in and empowering neighborhoods, communities are left vulnerable and weakened. 

The ultimate goal of FEMA disaster support programs is to prioritize resources and programs for communities and individuals with the greatest need.^[28] However, for under-resourced communities impacted by disaster, significant obstacles stand between survivors and the assistance needed. Such burdens exacerbate financial and structural instability while straining community health and well-being over time. The procedural complexity, discriminatory distribution, and consequential inequitable outcomes are inconsistent with FEMA’s equity-driven goals and objectives.^[29]

Political Challenge: Polarization

The modern political climate has been contentious, with greater polarization among the two major parties and the voters identifying with them. The 2022 U.S. midterm election is an example of the polarization in elections. Determining which party won a majority in the House of Representatives was delayed due to the mandatory recounts of multiple races in several states.^[30] In the end, the U.S. Senate was controlled by a slim Democratic majority, and Republicans won the U.S. House of Representatives by a handful of seats.

As Boxell et al. stated, political polarization among Americans grew faster than among Europeans and residents of other prominent democracies.^[31] Within this polarized environment, political parties have chosen to draw distinct contrasts on almost every policy issue and frame a narrative of the other party as out of touch with a majority of their voters. The issue of equity in emergency management has become intertwined with the political polarization vortex of modern U.S. politics.

Disaster Relief Fund

The Disaster Relief Fund (DRF) supports critical interventions, including some of FEMA’s response, recovery, and mitigation efforts (e.g., providing temporary shelters, food assistance, and medical services to affected populations), repairing and reconstructing critical infrastructure (e.g., roads, bridges, and schools), and facilitating educational programs that prepare communities for future disasters and foster a culture of readiness and resilience.^[32] For underserved communities, these services are not just assistance; they are pivotal sources of funding for programs and services essential in aiding underserved individuals and communities during disasters and emergencies.^[33] They represent lifelines, offering pathways to recovery and stability post-disasters. The DRF stands as a beacon of hope and a tangible representation of the government’s commitment to uplift all, highlighting the necessity for sustained and ample funding to meet the increasing demands wrought by emergencies and disasters.

However, Congress’s failure to fully fund the Disaster Relief Fund has conspicuous ramifications, predominantly burdening the underserved constituents that members of Congress are sworn to serve. These constituents, often residing in areas with infrastructural vulnerabilities, find themselves in dire circumstances when disasters strike, lacking the necessary resources to rebuild and recover.

Vulnerable Populations

Communities of colors are disproportionately impacted by disasters in the United States. Research finds that racial minorities and low-income families are more likely than White communities and higher-income families to live in disaster-prone areas, which often require substantial emergency management efforts and assistance.^[34] Many low-income and minority families are found disproportionately impacted by storms and flooding because of their higher chance of living in lower-housing-cost, but flood-prone, areas as well as their limited resources and capacity to respond to and recover from disasters.^[35] Additionally, mostly-Black, Hispanic, or Native American census tracts are at a 50% greater risk of wildfire than other census tracts.^[36] These households, often renters and individuals with limited financial means, may not be able to afford fire mitigation services and home rebuilding after a wildfire, which makes wildfires a devastating and irrecoverable disaster for them.^[37] Communities of color are also more vulnerable to ecological hazards, toxic wastes, and other disasters and hazards.^[38] 

Emergencies and disasters can also be very challenging for people with disabilities. Individuals with disabilities are more likely to experience greater disruptions in care, worse adverse health outcomes, and develop new health issues and negative psychological problems than other people during and after disasters.^[39] Additionally, because individuals with disabilities usually have special healthcare needs that may require specific schedules, adaptive equipment, specialized medication, and additional assistance, they often have difficulties following instructions and promptly taking protective actions during emergencies.^[40] Children with disabilities face even greater risks in emergencies and disasters.^[41] Families of children with disabilities are often found underprepared for disasters, unclear about emergency plans, and short on training and support.^[42] Moreover, emergency planners and workers may not have adequate training, facilities such as shelters and hospitals, and transportation to accommodate the needs of individuals with disabilities.^[43]

Rural communities are also vulnerable to disasters as they are often economically and socially disadvantaged and have limited resources to support disaster mitigation and recovery.^[44] Populations living in rural areas were found to be less likely to take warnings of impending natural disasters seriously and take action in response to those warnings.^[45] Moreover, local governments in rural areas often experience emergency management challenges because of insufficient funding, lack of training opportunities, poor management of potential resources, and heavy reliance on agriculture as the main economic base.^[46]  The dispersed population and inadequate communication networks (e.g., poor telephone systems, limited media coverage, and the lack of broadband access) in rural areas also significantly limit timely communication and information dissemination, which makes it particularly challenging to execute large emergency response efforts.^[47] 

Other populations considered vulnerable during emergencies and disasters include children who are at great risk of dehydration, malnutrition, infectious diseases, and mental disorders; the elderly who have some level of disabilities, chronic diseases, and limited cognitive and sensory abilities; pregnant women who need special healthcare, specific nutrition, and other essential medication and are at high risk of injury, diseases, and death; prisoners who are not able to evacuate by themselves and have limited access to food, medical care and shelter; and individuals with language and cultural barriers who have difficulties in understanding emergency policies and instructions and communicating with service providers and require a higher level of disaster preparedness and response.^[48]

When emergency management policies are underfunded, the resultant inadequacy of disaster relief resources exacerbates pre-existing economic and social disparities, leaving the most vulnerable populations even more disadvantaged. Moreover, underfunded relief efforts are invariably characterized by inadequate response times and insufficiencies in essential services, including access to shelter, food, and medical assistance, a scenario that disproportionately affects underserved communities. Therefore, it becomes a moral imperative for the Federal Government to eschew partisan politics by ensuring full funding of the Disaster Relief Fund and exercising oversight that guarantees federal policies facilitate an equitable distribution of resources that shields all constituents, particularly the historically marginalized and underserved, from the brunt of disasters. This not only speaks to a commitment to justice and equity but also forms the bedrock of a society that prides itself on the welfare of all its members, irrespective of their socioeconomic backgrounds.

State Impacts

Most states in the United States are impacted by disaster events each year. Between 1980 and 2022, the total CPI-adjusted cost related to weather and climate disasters was $2.568 trillion in the United States, $1.1 trillion of which was incurred between 2013 and 2022.^[49] These billion-dollar disasters between 1980 and 2022 accounted for 15,821 deaths. In 2022 (see Table 1), the total CPI-adjusted cost was $175.2 billion, with 474 deaths. An estimated 4 in 10 Americans were affected by weather-related disasters.^[50] Hurricane Ian was the most catastrophic disaster in this period, with an estimated cost of $114 billion, which accounts for 65% of the total 2022 cost. The number of disasters has increased dramatically in the past year. The first three quarters of 2023 experienced more billion-dollar disasters than any previous year since 1980.^[51] Experts suggest that the number and cost of disasters will continue to rise because of increased “exposure (i.e., more assets at risk)” and “vulnerability (i.e., increasing damage due to the growing intensity of events).”^[52] 

Table 1 below shows the billion-dollar disaster events and the states impacted by these events in 2022. Disasters have no partisan preference, impacting states regardless of the majority party affiliation of their Congressional Delegation. In 2022, a total of 38 states were impacted by billion-dollar disaster events. Of these states, 22 lean Republican (R), 14 lean Democratic (D), and two are considered divided.  Texas, Florida, Louisiana, and California were the top states in terms of billion-dollar weather and climate disaster costs since 1980.^[53] They are also among the most vulnerable states to future climate-related disasters in the United States.^[54] Of 38 states impacted by disasters, 26 states were impacted by multiple disaster events throughout the year. In 2022, Ohio (R), Texas (R), and Wisconsin(R) were impacted by the five disaster events, and Alabama (R), Florida (R), Mississippi (R), and Minnesota (D) were impacted by four disasters throughout the year.

Additionally, most of the disaster events impacted both states leaning Republican and those leaning Democratic. For example, the Western/Central Drought and Heat Wave impacted California (D), Nevada (D), Oregon (D), Texas (R), and Arizona (Divided). The Western Wildfires impacted California, New Mexico, Oregon, and Washington, which lean Democratic, and Alabama, Idaho, and Montana, which lean Republican. 

These data demonstrate the significant potential damages of future climate disasters on various states regardless of the political party majority of their congressional delegation. Additionally, they highlight the need for a bipartisan effort in emergency management to address disasters. 

Table 1: U.S. Billion-Dollar Disaster Events for 2022

Event	Estimated Cost* (billions)	Political Affiliation (State Congressional Delegation)	Impacted States	Deaths (count)
Hurricane Ian (Sep)	$114.0	R	FL	152
Western/Central Drought and Heat Wave  (Jan-Dec)	$22.4	D	CA, NV, OR	136
		R	TX
		Divided	AZ
Central and Eastern Winter Storm and Cold Wave (Dec)	$8.5	D	CO, MD, NY, OR VT, WA, MI, PA	87
		R	WI, KS, KY, MS MO, NE, OH, OK SC, SD, TN
		Divided	GA
Central Derecho (Jun)	$3.3	D	IL, MI	1
		R	IN, OH
Western Wildfires (Apr-Nov)	$3.2	D	CA, NM, OR, WA	17
		R	AL, ID, MT
North Central Severe Weather (May)	$2.8	D	MN	1
		R	WI, NE, SD
Southern Severe Weather (Apr)	$2.8	R	AL, AR, KY, LA, MS, TN, TX	1
Hurricane Fiona (Sep)	$2.6	——–	——–	25
North Central Hail Storms (May)	$2.5	D	MN	0
		R	WI
North Central Hail Storms (May)	$2.2	D	MN	0
		R	WI
Central Severe Weather (Jun)	$1.9	D	CO	0
		R	IA, KS, MO, NE OH, OK, TX
Kentucky and Missouri Flooding (Jul)	$1.5	R	KY, MO	42
Southeast Tornado Outbreak (Apr)	$1.5	R	AL, FL, LA, MS, SC, TX	3
		Divided	GA
North Central and Eastern Severe Weather (Jul)	$1.4	D	IL, MD, MI, MN NY, PA, VA	1
		R	IN, ND, OH, WI
Southern Tornado Outbreak (Mar)	$1.3	R	AL, FL, LA, MS	2
Southern and Central Severe Weather (May)	$1.2	D	PA	1
		R	OK, OH, TX
Texas Hail Storms (Feb)	$1.1	R	TX	0
Hurricane Nicole (Nov)	$1.0	R	FL	5
Total	$175.2			474
Note: The estimated cost here is the CPI-adjusted estimated cost.
Source: NOAA National Centers for Environmental Information (NCEI), U.S. Billion-Dollar Weather and Climate Disasters (2023a), https://www.ncei.noaa.gov/access/billions/events/US/1980-2022?disasters%5b%5d=all-disasters; CNN, Presidential results: Joe Biden wins election to be the 46th U.S. president, https://www.cnn.com/election/2020/results/president

Implications

Both social and political challenges reinforce the existing disparities and inequities in emergency management. In this article, we have sought to emphasize the significance of ending politicization in emergency management and integrating equity in emergency efforts to eliminate systemic barriers that have prevented full access to government programs for years and to better protect vulnerable populations before, during, and after disasters. Through the discussion on states and vulnerable populations impacted by disasters and the analysis of current challenges facing emergency management, we hope to inform a bipartisan and equitable support system for future emergency management practices. 

Promote Bipartisanship

The U.S. Constitution assigns two major responsibilities to Congress: 1) raise revenue and allocate funding within the federal budget, and 2) serve as a check and balance to the other two branches of government. Given these critical responsibilities and the rising inequities revealed in disasters, it is possible and appropriate for Congress to depoliticize equity in emergency management and take a bipartisan approach to support historically marginalized and underserved populations. Despite the different focuses of Republicans and Democrats on disasters and climate change, members from both parties share similar views by describing the urgency of their needs and advocating for federal agencies to minimize red tape in disaster recovery, especially for underserved communities.^[55] Moreover, throughout Congressional history, both political parties have found collaborative opportunities, such as putting together bipartisan coalitions, to address significant problems impacting the country.^[56] Both parties’ shared values and goals and their collaboration history indicate the possibility and necessity for bipartisan efforts in emergency management, especially in integrating equity in emergency practices.  

Promoting equity in emergency management is the responsibility of all elected officials, regardless of party affiliation. Several key benefits are identified that connect with both parties’ values and policy priorities. Integrating equity into emergency management will reduce the disproportionate impact of disasters on underserved communities, promote effectiveness and efficiency within government programs, reduce Federal spending,^[57] improve the public’s trust in government, and prepare the nation to address the rising threat of climate change. Instead of creating barriers to progress by politicizing equity, both parties can compete to take credit for the equitable changes made.

Facilitate Equity in Emergency Management

In addition to promoting bipartisanship, identifying strategies to integrate equity into emergency management is critical to reducing and eliminating inequities in disasters. First, fully understanding who is impacted and how they are impacted in disasters. Disasters disproportionately impact populations with minority identities, such as African Americans, Latinos, People with disabilities, rural communities, pregnant women, prisoners, and populations with limited English proficiency. While all of these populations are vulnerable to disasters, their perceptions of disasters and experiences during and after disasters could be very different. Also, different populations are vulnerable to different disasters. As discussed earlier, Black, Hispanic, or Native Americans were at higher risk of wildfires than other communities, and Black communities were more likely to be impacted by urban flooding due to inadequate flood protection measures.^[58] Furthermore, populations with intersecting identities, for example, low-income communities of color and immigrants, could experience even more significant obstacles and adverse outcomes in disasters.^[59] Thus, understanding their experiences in different disasters, especially their unique challenges and impacts within their cultural context and living environment, will be helpful in providing appropriate assistance that meets their needs and helps them better recover after disasters.    

Additionally, involving local stakeholders, especially representatives from the local communities, in the decision-making process could help identify effective emergency preparedness and response plans tailored to local populations’ challenges and needs. Community representatives are familiar with the social and cultural contexts of their communities. They are knowledgeable about the resources, challenges, and experiences of their community members in disaster events. Their participation in the decision-making process would help policymakers better understand the capabilities and actual needs of the local communities and identify effective ways to support the communities. Also, community members who feel heard, valued, and understood when included in decision-making help build relationships and trust between governments and communities.^[60]  While FEMA proposed the whole community approach in emergency management that recognized the value of including local stakeholders in emergency actions in 2011, the failure of their programs to provide access to and equitable distribution of resources raises questions about the impact as well as the diversity of the local representatives in their emergency efforts.^[61] 

Moreover, it is critical to build an emergency support network where local governments, small businesses, community agencies, other not-for-profit organizations, and communities work together to improve equity in emergency assistance outcomes. Integrating equity in emergency policies and practices is a collective effort that requires collaboration among various levels of government, different entities, and stakeholders, especially in rural and underserved communities. FEMA Voluntary Agency Liaisons support partnerships among government, volunteer groups, faith and community-based agencies, private sector, philanthropic organizations, and other community partners to help communities prepare for, respond to, and recover from disasters.^[62] However, the method to effectively foster and maintain relationships among these different entities, especially in the long run, remains unclear. Effective models and strategies for maintaining a sustainable support network system are needed to leverage the resources and strengths of these various entities to better support local communities before, during, and after disasters.

Other strategies that are helpful to integrate equity into emergency management include, but are not limited to, leading Federal disaster support programs through need/data-driven decision-making, using data to frame and explain inequity, reaffirming the role and responsibility of government to address equity, and offering innovative solutions driven by nongovernmental groups. In general, depoliticization and these strategies will promote equity in emergency management, and integrating equity in emergency management can support efforts to educate legislators to mitigate the impact of political attacks. 

Conclusion

A divided Congress often results in partisan gridlock and delays in approving the federal budget. However, disasters have no partisan preference. States, regardless of the majority party affiliation of their Congressional Delegation, are all impacted by various types of disasters. The increased frequency and impact of disasters, especially on the most vulnerable with limited resources, requires Congress to set aside the normal partisan bickering and act to prioritize disaster aid equitably, including much-needed funding for mitigation and resilience-building. A new, bipartisan framework can be developed that identifies common ground and partisan reasons for both parties to support the integration of equity in emergency management. 

Bipartisan, equitable emergency management practices require public administrators to take intentional action to address the policies and programmatic issues embedded in federal disaster programs. Given the legacy of discriminatory laws, which continue to have lasting impacts on groups based on now-protected classes, it is incumbent on elected officials to utilize their essential responsibility of allocating funding to federal agencies and conducting oversight of programs to ensure resources are equitably distributed. Some members of Congress, including those influencing federal agency administrators, appear to be overcome with nervousness when discussing issues of equity. There will continue to be opportunities for the 118th Congress and future sessions to work in a bipartisan manner. Both Democrat and Republican parties should come together to make necessary, fundamental changes to emergency management programs across federal agencies and to provide meaningful funding that reaches historically marginalized and underserved communities on the frontlines of disaster impacts.

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About the Authors

Yali Pang, Ph.D., Senior Research Associate, Research Institute for Social Equity, L. Douglas Wilder School of Government and Public Affairs, Virginia Commonwealth University

Nakeina E. Douglas-Glenn, Ph.D., Director & Associate Professor, Research Institute for Social Equity, L. Douglas Wilder School of Government and Public Affairs, Virginia Commonwealth University

Curtis Brown, MPA, Visiting Senior Practitioner in Residence, Research Institute for Social Equity, L. Douglas Wilder School of Government and Public Affairs, Virginia Commonwealth University

Jennifer J. Reid, Ph.D., Evaluation Director, Center for Public Policy, L. Douglas Wilder School of Government and Public Affairs, Virginia Commonwealth University

J. Herman Tomasi, Graduate Research Assistant, Research Institute for Social Equity, L. Douglas Wilder School of Government and Public Affairs, Virginia Commonwealth University

The authors acknowledge support from Trinity Battle, Catherine Auwarter, and Jacklyn Cheely, who provided research assistance on this manuscript.

The Research Institute for Social Equity within the Wilder School at VCU is an established national leader in advancing racial equity and informing public policy and governance for marginalized voices.

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Notes

[1] “Billion-Dollar Weather and Climate Disasters,” National Centers for Environmental Information, 2023, https://www.ncei.noaa.gov/access/billions/.

[2] Ibid.

[3] Core Writing Team, Hoesung Lee, and J. Romero, “Climate Change 2023 Synthesis Report,” IPCC, accessed November 23, 2023,  https://www.ipcc.ch/report/ar6/syr/downloads/report/IPCC_AR6_SYR_LongerReport.pdf

[4] Ibid.

[5] Ibid.

[6] Kathryn A. Foster “A Case Study Approach to Understanding Regional Resilience.” IURD Working Paper Series, 2007. https://escholarship.org/uc/item/8tt02163.

[7] Ella Nilsen and Priscilla Alvarez. “In a Record Year of Catastrophes, FEMA’s Disaster Fund Is Slipping Into the Red Before Hurricane Season Even Peaks.” CNN, August 18, 2023. https://www.cnn.com/2023/08/18/politics/fema-disaster-fund-weather-climate/index.html.

[8] William L. Painter. “The Disaster Relief Fund: Overview and Issues.” Congressional Research Service, January 20, 2022. https://crsreports.congress.gov/product/pdf/R/R45484.

[9] Michael J. Zakour and Evelyn B. Harrell. “Access to Disaster Services.” Journal of Social Service Research 30, no. 2 (December 31, 2003): 27–54. https://doi.org/10.1300/J079v30n02_03.; Meri Davlasheridze and Qing Miao. “Natural Disasters, Public Housing, and the Role of Disaster Aid.” Journal of Regional Science 61, no. 5 (October 29, 2021): 1113–1135. https://doi.org/10.1111/jors.12534.

[10] Lisa Friedman. “Biden Signs Spending Bill, Staving Off a Government Shutdown.” The New York Times, November 17, 2023. https://www.nytimes.com/2023/11/17/us/politics/biden-signs-spending-bill-shutdown.html.

[11] Li Zhou. “Congress Is Procrastinating on the Real Government Shutdown Fight.” Vox, November 15, 2023. https://www.vox.com/politics/2023/11/15/23962996/house-funding-bill-government-shutdown-mike-johnson.

[12] Steve McKnight. “Race, Planning, and Emergency Management: Combating Inequities in Community Planning Policies.” Journal of Planning Literature, January 1, 2023. https://doi.org/10.1177/08854122231188145.

[13] Rebecca Hersher and Ryan Kellman. “Why FEMA Aid Is Unavailable to Many Who Need It the Most.” NPR, June 29, 2021. https://www.npr.org/2021/06/29/1004347023/why-fema-aid-is-unavailable-to-many-who-need-it-the-most.; Bradley Wilson, Eric Tate, and Christopher T. Emrich, “Flood Recovery Outcomes and Disaster Assistance Barriers for Vulnerable Populations.” Frontiers in Water 3 (December 7, 2021). https://doi.org/10.3389/frwa.2021.752307.

[14] Carlos F. Avenancio-León and Troup Howard. “The Assessment Gap: Racial Inequalities in Property Taxation.” The Quarterly Journal of Economics 137, no. 3 (July 12, 2022): 1383–1434. https://doi.org/10.1093/qje/qjac009; Rodney E. Hero and Morris E. Levy, “The Racial Structure of Inequality: Consequences for Welfare Policy in the United States.” Social Science Quarterly 99, no. 2 (July 19, 2018): 459–72. https://doi.org/10.1111/ssqu.12427; Lorraine Frisina Doetter, Benedikt Preuß, and Pasquale G. Frisina, “The Intersections of Pandemic, Public Policy and Social Inequality in the United States.” Forum for Social Economics 51, no. 2 (2022): 220–34. https://doi.org/10.1080/07360932.2021.1967182; Sherona Hoffman, “Preparing for Disaster: Protecting the Most Vulnerable in Emergencies,” U.C. Davis Law Review 42 (2009): 1491–1547; Breanca Merritt and Morgan D. Farnworth, “State Landlord–Tenant Policy and Eviction Rates in Majority-Minority Neighborhoods.” Housing Policy Debate 31, no. 3–5 (2021): 562–81. https://doi.org/10.1080/10511482.2020.1828989.

[15] Steven Ross Johnson, “U.S. News–Harris Poll Survey: As America Aims for Equity, Many Believe Systemic Racism Doesn’t Exist.” U.S. News & World Report, November 16, 2022. https://docs.google.com/document/d/1qnQQebu4PdbeNPZn3UZuQLYWgdUYsUAse6eQnbweVF0/edit; RaJade M. Berry-James, et al. “Stepping up to the Plate: Making Social Equity a Priority in Public Administration’s Troubled Times.” Journal of Public Affairs Education 27, no. 1 (January 2021): 5–15. https://doi.org/10.1080/15236803.2020.1820289; Tia Sherèe Gaynor and Meghan E. Wilson. “Social Vulnerability and Equity: The Disproportionate Impact of COVID-19.” Public Administration Review 80, no. 5 (August 30, 2020): 832–38. https://doi.org/10.1111/puar.13264.

[16] James R. Elliott, Phylicia Lee Brown, and Kevin Loughran. “Racial Inequities in the Federal Buyout of Flood-Prone Homes: A Nationwide Assessment of Environmental Adaptation.” Socius: Sociological Research for a Dynamic World 6 (January 12, 2020). https://doi.org/10.1177/2378023120905439.

[17] Justin Dorazio, “How FEMA Can Prioritize Equity in Disaster Recovery Assistance.” Center for American Progress, July 19, 2022. https://www.americanprogress.org/article/how-fema-can-prioritize-equity-in-disaster-recovery-assistance/.

[18] Ibid.

[19] Jennifer Harrington. “The Problem with Heirs’ Property.” Iowa State University Center for Agricultural Law and Taxation, February 27, 2022. https://www.calt.iastate.edu/article/problem-heirs-property.

[20] “FEMA Makes Changes to Individual Assistance Policies to Advance Equity for Disaster Survivors,” FEMA, September 2, 2021.

[21] Johnson, “U.S. News–Harris Poll Survey: As America Aims for Equity, Many Believe Systemic Racism Doesn’t Exist.”

[22] Biden-Harris Administration Reforms Disaster Assistance Program to Help Survivors Recover Faster,” FEMA, January 19, 2024.

[23] Ethan J. Raker, “Climate Change and Inequality in the U.S.: Sociological Analyses of Big Data” (Doctoral Dissertation, Harvard University, 2021).; Dorazio, “How FEMA Can Prioritize Equity in Disaster Recovery Assistance.”

[24] Robert T. Stafford Disaster Relief and Emergency Assistance Act, 2021: 22.

[25] National Advisory Council Report to the FEMA Administrator, 2020: 12.

[26] Dorazio, “How FEMA Can Prioritize Equity in Disaster Recovery Assistance.”

[27] Elliott, Brown, and Loughran, “Racial Inequities in the Federal Buyout of Flood-Prone Homes: A Nationwide Assessment of Environmental Adaptation”; Dorazio, “How FEMA Can Prioritize Equity in Disaster Recovery Assistance.”

[28] “National Advisory Council Report to the FEMA Administrator.”

[29] “Voluntary and Community-Based Organizations.” Federal Emergency Management Agency, November 28, 2023. https://www.fema.gov/emergency-managers/individuals-communities/faith-volunteer/voluntary-organizations.

[30] Donovan Slack, Erin Mansfield, Ken Tran, Maureen Groppe, Josh Meyer, and Garrison Joey. “Election Results Recap: Control of Congress Unclear; Georgia Senate Goes to Runoff.” USA Today, November 9, 2022. https://www.usatoday.com/story/news/politics/elections/2022/11/09/2022-midterm-election-results-live-updates/8260459001/

[31] Levi Boxell, Matthew Gentzkow, and Jesse Shapiro. “Cross-Country Trends in Affective Polarization.” Cambridge, MA, January 2020. https://doi.org/10.3386/w26669.

[32] Jon Sperl, et al. “FEMA’s Disaster Relief Fund: Budgetary History and Projections.” Congressional Budget Office, November 2022. https://www.cbo.gov/publication/58840

[33] Meri Davlasheridze and Qing Miao. “Natural Disasters, Public Housing, and the Role of Disaster Aid.” Journal of Regional Science 61, no. 5 (October 29, 2021): 1113–1135. https://doi.org/10.1111/jors.12534.; Michael J. Zakour and Evelyn B. Harrell. “Access to Disaster Services.” Journal of Social Service Research 30, no. 2 (December 31, 2003): 27–54. https://doi.org/10.1300/J079v30n02_03.

[34] Shawna J. Lee et al., “Racial Inequality and The Implementation of Emergency Management Laws in Economically Distressed Urban Areas,” Children and Youth Services Review 70 (November 2016): 1–7, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.childyouth.2016.08.016.

[35] Davlasheridze and Miao, “Natural Disasters, Public Housing, and the Role of Disaster Aid.”

[36] Ian P. Davies, Ryan D. Haugo, James C. Robertson, and Phillip S. Levin, “The Unequal Vulnerability of Communities of Color to Wildfire.” PLOS ONE 13 no. 11 (2018), https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0205825.

[37] Timothy W. Collins and Bob Bolin, “Situating Hazard Vulnerability: People’s Negotiations with Wildfire Environments in the U.S. Southwest,” Environmental Management 44, no. 3 (September 2009): 441–55, https://doi.org/10.1007/s00267-009-9333-5; Michelle Yonetani et al., “Global Estimates 2015: People Displaced by Disasters,” (2015), https://www.acnur.org/fileadmin/Documentos/Publicaciones/2015/10092.pdf?file=fileadmin/Documentos/Publicaciones/2015/10092.

[38] Robert D. Bullard et al., “Toxic Wastes and Race at Twenty: Why Race Still Matters after All of These Years,” Environmental Law 38, no. 2 (2008): 371–412; Daniel R Faber and Eric J Krieg, “Unequal Exposure to Ecological Hazards: Environmental Injustices in the Commonwealth of Massachusetts.,” Environmental Health Perspectives 110, no. 2 (April 2002): 277–88, https://doi.org/10.1289/ehp.02110s2277; Matthew Heberger et al., “Potential Impacts of Increased Coastal Flooding in California Due to Sea-Level Rise,” Climatic Change 109, no. S1 (December 2011): 229–49, https://doi.org/10.1007/s10584-011-0308-1.

[39] Barbara Rath et al., “Adverse Health Outcomes after Hurricane Katrina among Children and Adolescents with Chronic Conditions,” Journal of Health Care for the Poor and Underserved 18, no. 2 (May 2007): 405–17, https://doi.org/10.1353/hpu.2007.0043; Susan Wolf-Fordham et al., “Emergency Preparedness of Families of Children with Developmental Disabilities: What Public Health and Safety Emergency Planners Need to Know,” Journal of Emergency Management (Weston, Mass.) 13, no. 1 (July 1, 2015): 7–18, https://doi.org/10.5055/jem.2015.0213.

[40] Patrick C. Drayna et al., “Disaster Management and Emergency Preparedness for Children and Youth With Special Health Care Needs,” Clinical Pediatric Emergency Medicine 13, no. 2 (June 1, 2012): 125–32, https://doi.org/10.1016/J.CPEM.2012.04.002.

[41] Andrée Malpass, Caryn West Jennifer, and Ruth Barker, “Experiences of Individuals with Disabilities Sheltering during Natural Disasters: An Integrative Review,” Australian Journal of Emergency Management 34, no. 2 (April 2019): 60–65; Wolf-Fordham et al., “Emergency Preparedness of Families of Children with Developmental Disabilities: What Public Health and Safety Emergency Planners Need to Know.”

[42] Susan Wolf-Fordham, John C. Twigg, Danielle A. Duckett, Deborah L. Lovelace, and Linda R. Brown. “Emergency Preparedness of Families of Children with Developmental Disabilities: What Public Health and Safety Emergency Planners Need To Know.” Journal of Emergency Management 13, no. 3 (2015): 281-290.

[43] Hoffman, “Preparing for Disaster: Protecting the Most Vulnerable in Emergencies”; Malpass, Jennifer, and Barker, “Experiences of Individuals with Disabilities Sheltering during Natural Disasters: An Integrative Review.”

[44] Xanthia James, Anita Hawkins, and Randy Rowel, “An Assessment of the Cultural Appropriateness of Emergency Preparedness Communication for Low Income Minorities,” Journal of Homeland Security and Emergency Management 4, no. 3 (September 25, 2007), https://doi.org/10.2202/1547-7355.1266; Alessandra Jerolleman, “Challenges of Post-Disaster Recovery in Rural Areas,” Louisiana’s Response to Extreme Weather, ed. Shirley Laska (Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020), 285–310, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-27205-0.

[45] Alice Fothergill and Lori A. Peek, “Poverty and Disasters in the United States: A Review of Recent Sociological Findings,” Natural Hazards 32 (May 2004): 89–110, https://doi.org/10.1023/B:NHAZ.0000026792.76181.d9.

[46] Naim Kapucu, Christopher V. Hawkins, and Fernando I. Rivera, “Disaster Preparedness and Resilience for Rural Communities,” Risk, Hazards & Crisis in Public Policy 4, no. 4 (May 18, 2014): 215–33, https://doi.org/10.1002/rhc3.12043.

[47] M Brennan and Courtney Flint, “Uncovering the Hidden Dimensions of Rural Disaster Mitigation: Capacity Building Through Community Emergency Response Teams,” Journal of Rural Social Sciences 22, no. 2 (December 31, 2007); Kapucu, Hawkins, and Rivera, “Disaster Preparedness and Resilience for Rural Communities.”

[48]  “Behavioral Health Conditions in Children and Youth Exposed to Natural Disasters,” September 2018, https://www.samhsa.gov/sites/default/files/srb-childrenyouth-8-22-18.pdf.; Aldrich, Nancy, and William F Benson. 2008. “Disaster Preparedness and the Chronic Disease Needs of Vulnerable Older Adults.” Preventing Chronic Disease 5 (1): A27.; Bonnie Ewing, Susan Buchholtz, and Richard Rotanz, “Assisting Pregnant Women to Prepare for Disaster,” MCN: The American Journal of Maternal/Child Nursing 33, no. 2 (March 2008): 98–103, https://doi.org/10.1097/01.NMC.0000313417.66742.ce.; Ira P Robbins, “Lessons from Hurricane Katrina: Prison Emergency Preparedness as a Constitutional Imperative,” University of Michigan Journal of Law Reform 42 (2008): 1–69, https://api.semanticscholar.org/CorpusID:152434563.; Jonathan Purtle, Nadia J. Siddiqui, and Dennis P. Andrulis, “Language Issues and Barriers,” Encyclopedia of Disaster Relief, ed. K. Bradley Penuel and Matt Statler (Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Publications, 2011).

[49] “Billion-Dollar Weather and Climate Disasters.”

[50] Kaplan Sarah and Andrew Ba Tran, “More than 40 Percent of Americans Live in Counties Hit by Climate Disasters in 2021,” The Washington Post, January 5, 2022, https://www.washingtonpost.com/climate-environment/2022/01/05/climate-disasters-2021-fires/.

[51] “Billion-Dollar Weather and Climate Disasters.”

[52] Adam B. Smith, “2021 U.S. Billion-Dollar Weather and Climate Disasters in Historical Context,” Beyond the Data, January 24, 2022, https://www.climate.gov/news-features/blogs/beyond-data/2021-us-billion-dollar-weather-and-climate-disasters-historical; “The Rising Costs of Extreme Weather Events,” The White House, September 1, 2022, https://www.whitehouse.gov/cea/written-materials/2022/09/01/the-rising-costs-of-extreme-weather-events/.

[53] “Billion-Dollar Weather and Climate Disasters.”

[54] Matt McKillop, Jonathan M. Links, and Crystal R. Watson, “Climate Change and Health: Assessing State Preparedness,” December 2020.

[55] “Party Platform: The Democratic Platform,” 2020; “Resolution Regarding the Republican Party Platform,” 2016.

[56] “Civil Rights Act of 1964,” U.S. Senate, August 8, 2014; Meir Rinde, “Richard Nixon and the Rise of American Environmentalism,” Distillations Magazine, June 2, 2017.

[57] “Mitigation Saves: Mitigation Saves up to $13 per $1 Invested,” 2020, https://www.nibs.org/files/pdfs/ms_v4_overview.pdf.

[58] Thomas Frank, “Flooding Disproportionately Harms Black Neighborhoods,” E&E News, June 2, 2020, https://www.eenews.net/articles/flooding-disproportionately-harms-black-neighborhoods/.

[59] Fothergill and Peek, “Poverty and Disasters in the United States: A Review of Recent Sociological Findings”; Jerolleman, “Challenges of Post-Disaster Recovery in Rural Areas.”

[60] Thomas J. Campanella, “Urban Resilience and the Recovery of New Orleans,” Journal of the American Planning Association 72, no. 2 (2006): 141–46, https://doi.org/10.1080/01944360608976734.

[61] “A Whole Community Approach to Emergency Management: Principles, Themes, and Pathways for Action,” December 2011, https://www.fema.gov/sites/default/files/2020-07/whole_community_dec2011__2.pdf.

[62] “Voluntary and Community-Based Organizations.”

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